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Brian Reynolds Myers è un professore universitario e giornalista statunitense.

Brian Reynolds Myers, di solito citato come B. R. Myers, è un professore associato americano di studi internazionali presso l'Università Dongseo di Pusan, in Corea del Sud, meglio conosciuto per i suoi scritti sulla propaganda nordcoreana. È collaboratore editoriale per The Atlantic e opinionista per il The New York Times e il The Wall Street Journal. Myers è l'autore di Han Sǒrya e North Korean Literature , A Reader's Manifesto , The Cleanest Race e North Korea's Juche Myth .



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✵ 1963
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Brian Reynolds Myers: Frasi in inglese

“North Korea cannot survive forever on the public perception of state legitimacy alone. The more it loses its economic distinctiveness vis-à-vis the rival state, the more the Kim regime must compensate with triumphs on the military and nuclear fronts. Another act of aggression against the Republic of Korea may well take place in the months ahead, not only to divert North Korean public attention from the failures of the consumer-oriented 'Strong and Prosperous Country' campaign, but also to strengthen the appeasement-minded South Korean opposition in the run-up to the presidential election in 2012.”

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Brian Reynolds Myers

2010s, North Korea's State Loyalty Advantage (December 2011)

“No one ever said the regime’s legitimacy reposes in the nukes themselves. It rests on a commitment to the unyielding defense and unification of the Korean nation.”

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Brian Reynolds Myers

2010s, And Then What? (June 2018)

“Korean nationalism has not only energized the North’s march to nuclear armament, but also exerted a growing appeal on people in the South — the ideological discourse of which republic has received even less attention than the North’s. The average American knows only that in the 1980s liberal democracy replaced authoritarianism here”

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Brian Reynolds Myers

in South Korea
2010s, A Note on Singapore (June 2018)

“[S]trong racial pride always entails intense awareness of an inferior other. For the North Koreans, foreigners are inferior — even the friendly ones.”

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Brian Reynolds Myers

2010s, North Korea's Race Problem (February 2010)

“Since Moon's takeover the peninsula has become less like divided Germany than ever. The ROK has abandoned the competition for legitimacy, instead ceding the North’s superiority on nationalist grounds while reaffirming that these matter more than liberal democratic ones. I’m not sure a league will ever come about, but if it does, it will hitch a proudly radical nationalist state to an unloved, moderate-nationalist one too shamefaced to celebrate its own founding. If the South is already unwilling to criticize the North, or to renew a commitment to its own constitutional values, it’s hardly likely to mount a strong defense of human rights later on.”

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Brian Reynolds Myers

2010s, Confederation Again (July 2018)

“[W]hat the dictatorship wants is presented as something we should want more. Most calls for subversion enrage the North. Not these though. Never these.”

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Brian Reynolds Myers

2010s, Confederation Again (July 2018)

“[A]lthough the “far left” Justice Party is ostensibly in the opposition, 77% of those who support it say that President Moon is doing a good job.”

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Brian Reynolds Myers

2010s, Confederation Again (July 2018)

“[M]emory politics are by definition political and shift accordingly. There was a time when both the South Korean left and North Korea were more interested in good relations with Japan than the right here was.”

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Brian Reynolds Myers

2010s, Confederation Again (July 2018)

“Seoul doesn't have the will to "De-Kim Il Sungify" North Korea.”

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Brian Reynolds Myers

As quoted in "The Uses and Misuses of Ideology" https://web.archive.org/web/*/http://www.dailynk.com/english/read.php?cataId=nk00100&num=8158 (8 September 2011), by Chris Green, The Daily NK
2010s

“South Korea has its most pacifist administration ever… [P]eople here do not identify strongly with their state. No public holiday celebrates it, neither the flag nor the coat of arms nor the anthem conveys republican or non-ethnic values, no statues of presidents stand in major cities. Few people can even tell you the year in which the state was founded. When the average [South Korean] man sees the [South Korean] flag, he feels fraternity with [ethnic] Koreans around the world.”

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2010s, North Korea's Unification Drive (December 2017)

“[I]f we’re going to jeer at North Korea for being a de facto monarchy, we must also acknowledge the main advantage of such a system: no divisive squabbling over who has the right to rule. On my book tour for “The Cleanest Race” I used the example of my British mother: a firm supporter of the monarchy with different estimations of the various royals. She doesn’t like the idea of Charles becoming king, but accepts that it will and must happen.”

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2010s, Interview with Joshua Stanton (August 2017)

“The whole point of the military-first policy was not so much to whip up support for the military as to de-ideologize the economic sector, to make it possible to dismantle the command economy without dismantling the authority of the whole system.”

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Brian Reynolds Myers

2010s, Interview with Joshua Stanton (August 2017)

“Not for nothing did Eldridge Cleaver say that the North Korean police made him miss the Oakland police.”

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Brian Reynolds Myers

2000s, Mother of All Mothers (September 2004)

“[T]hose who haven’t yet grasped the ideological realities of the [Korean] peninsula probably never will.”

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2010s, Portrait of the Ally as an Intermediary (March 2018)

“[T]he once-marginal myth that the [South Korean] republic came into existence in Shanghai in 1919 as a nationalist state has become orthodox with remarkable speed.”

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2010s, "Heaven is Helping Us": More from the Nationalist Left (August 2018)

“"Freedom of speech is the freedom to shout Long Live Kim Il Sung": This has been a commonplace here since Kim Su-yŏng’s famous poem to that effect in 1960. It’s not to be taken too literally or narrowly; one gets the larger meaning. But it’s not that much larger. When dissidents and demonstrators called for freedom of speech in the past it was usually nationalist, anti-American and pro-North speech they had in mind.”

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2010s, Confederation Again (July 2018)

“Many intellectuals here [in South Korea] admire the North for standing up to the world. It’s a right-wing sort of admiration, really, for a resolute state that does what it says. More common than admiration are feelings of shared ethnic identity with the North. We are perhaps too blinkered by our own globalism to understand how natural they are.”

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2010s, Interview with The Conversation (September 2017)

“[U]ntil the colonial period Korea had one of the world’s longest histories of centralized rule; that the ROK is about a quarter of Germany's size; and that the likelihood of Kim Jong Un devolving any of his power to mayors and governors is zero.”

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Brian Reynolds Myers

2010s, Confederation Again (July 2018)

“The Korean people have always been more outward-looking than their insecure leaders, and for centuries this was especially true of those in the northern part of the peninsula.”

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Brian Reynolds Myers

2000s, Mother of All Mothers (September 2004)

“[South] Koreans are more comfortable with Americans who behave like Americans.”

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2010s, Interview with Colin Marshall (February 2015)

“The left wing and the right wing in this country [South Korea] are equally invested in keeping alive the myth of a far-left North Korea. This is what exasperates me. I realize that I'm up against so many different constituencies, each of which has an interest in maintaining the myth of North Korea as a far left state.”

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2010s, Interview with Chad O'Carroll (2014)

“North Korea enjoys an important advantage over its rival, for in the Republic of Korea ethno-nationalism militates against support for a state that is perceived as having betrayed the race. South Koreans' "good race, bad state" attitude is reflected in widespread sympathy for the people of the north and in ambivalent feelings toward the United States and Japan, which are regarded as friends of the republic but enemies of the race”

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Brian Reynolds Myers

2010s, North Korea's State Loyalty Advantage (December 2011)
Contesto: Korea's northern border remains easy to cross, and North Koreans are now well aware of the prosperity enjoyed south of the demilitarized zone, Kim Jong-il continues to rule over a stable and supportive population. Kim enjoys mass support due to his perceived success in strengthening the race and humiliating its enemies. Thanks in part to decades of skillful propaganda, North Koreans generally equate the race with their state, so that ethno-nationalism and state-loyalty are mutually enforcing. In this respect North Korea enjoys an important advantage over its rival, for in the Republic of Korea ethno-nationalism militates against support for a state that is perceived as having betrayed the race. South Koreans' "good race, bad state" attitude is reflected in widespread sympathy for the people of the north and in ambivalent feelings toward the United States and Japan, which are regarded as friends of the republic but enemies of the race.

“I have tried to draw attention to South Korea’s dangerous state-loyalty deficit, by which I mean citizens’ lack of a sense of identification with their republic. In doing so I have noted the obvious parallels with South Vietnam, another state fatally weakened by nationalism. On this point too, I seem to be talking to the wall. Even Americans interested in the nuclear crisis feel no need to learn about party politics in South Korea. It’s a thriving, prosperous democracy, and that’s all that matters.”

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Brian Reynolds Myers

2010s, On Some Counter-Arguments (October 2017)

“You cannot have racial pride without an inferior other.”

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2010s, Interview with Chad O'Carroll (2012)

“North Korea is a unique socialist country in that its ruling ideology is conveyed through what is written about its leaders, not by them, and the message could hardly be simpler. Foreigners bad, Koreans good, Leader best.”

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Brian Reynolds Myers

2000s, Mother of All Mothers (September 2004)

“Up close, North Korea is not Stalinist — it’s simply racist.”

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Brian Reynolds Myers

2010s, North Korea's Race Problem (February 2010)

“[T]he main threat to the South's security is the general lack of public identification with the ROK and its values, as opposed to any widespread vulnerability to the personality cult.”

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Brian Reynolds Myers

2010s, Confederation Again (July 2018)

“They can't understand why any American in his right mind who's not escaping a jail term or something, would voluntarily want to come to [South] Korea and live here.”

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On how South Koreans view U.S. expatriates in South Korea
2010s, Interview with Colin Marshall (February 2015)

“What must be acknowledged is that Kim Jong Il has evinced a genius for propaganda ever since managing the efflorescence of his father's cult in the 1960s. Even so, he cannot cover his lack of charisma completely; it's as if Hitler died and left the Third Reich to Goebbels.”

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2000s, Mother of All Mothers (September 2004)

“By forbearing to march behind the yin-yang flag at the opening ceremony of the Olympics, the South Korean athletes are making a bigger sacrifice than the North Koreans, in whose iconography the banner of the DPRK ranks lower than the party standard, which in turn ranks much lower than the Supreme Commander's standard, the flag of the personality cult.”

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2010s, On the February 8 Parade and the Olympics (February 2018)