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Frasi di Brian Reynolds Myers
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Brian Reynolds Myers è un professore universitario e giornalista statunitense.

Brian Reynolds Myers, di solito citato come B. R. Myers, è un professore associato americano di studi internazionali presso l'Università Dongseo di Pusan, in Corea del Sud, meglio conosciuto per i suoi scritti sulla propaganda nordcoreana. È collaboratore editoriale per The Atlantic e opinionista per il The New York Times e il The Wall Street Journal. Myers è l'autore di Han Sǒrya e North Korean Literature , A Reader's Manifesto , The Cleanest Race e North Korea's Juche Myth .



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Brian Reynolds Myers: Frasi in inglese

“A major problem is the characterization of the government in Seoul as liberal, as if it were no less committed to constitutional values and opposed to totalitarianism than the West German social democrats were in the Cold War. This makes Westerners think, "North Korea can't take over the South without a war, but it knows it can’t win one, therefore it must now be arming only to protect itself."”

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Brian Reynolds Myers

2010s, Interview with The Conversation (September 2017)

“Judging from the yin-yang flag's universal popularity in South Korea, even among those who deny the legitimacy of the Republic of Korea, it evidently evokes the [Korean] race first and the [South Korean] state second. There is therefore none of the parodying or deliberate desecration of the [South Korean] state flag that one encounters in the countercultures of other countries.”

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Brian Reynolds Myers

2010s, North Korea's State Loyalty Advantage (December 2011)

“To a radical Korean nationalist, the division of the nation, the race, is an intolerable state of affairs. So too is the continued presence of the foreign army that effected that division in the first place.”

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Brian Reynolds Myers

2010s, Interview with Isaac Chotiner (February 2017)

“Americans are therefore wrong in assuming — and this was another line of argument against my RAS lecture — that South Koreans have struggled too long and too bravely for human rights ever to knuckle down to the North. There was no significant opposition here to the prosecution of Professor Park Yu-ha for criticizing the orthodox history of the so-called comfort women, and that took place under Park Geun-hye.”

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Brian Reynolds Myers

2010s, Confederation Again (July 2018)

“To misperceive the DPRK as a communist state – either of the Stalinist or indigenized kind – is therefore to misunderstand and miscalculate its behavior. I often encounter resistance to this point when lecturing to American audiences. Conservatives do not want communism let off the hook for creating this state, and liberals do not want Washington let off the hook for bullying it. Politically correct college students object to the attribution of racism to non-whites.”

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Brian Reynolds Myers

2010s, North Korea's State Loyalty Advantage (December 2011)

“South Koreans would rather see their state's security compromised than risk their own prosperity. Let’s not overestimate South Koreans’ attachment to their own state, which a sizable but influential minority still considers illegitimate.”

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Brian Reynolds Myers

2010s, Interview with Isaac Chotiner (February 2017)

“Americans can't handle the truth.”

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Brian Reynolds Myers

2010s, Interview with Chad O'Carroll (2012)

“You don't prove a point with nationalists; you cannot make nationalists happy.”

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Brian Reynolds Myers

2010s, Interview with Chad O'Carroll (2012)

“Whatever "Cold War system" there might once have been here is already defunct. There was never such a system in the minds of the opposed leaders, despite the peninsula’s tragic importance to Moscow and Washington. It might have been better if there had been. I’m not being flippant. Germans in East and West benefited from how each system tried to prove itself more compassionate and democratic, more conducive to its citizens' realization of their potential than the other. The relevant standards could hardly have been more different, but still. In contrast North and South Korea slid quickly into mutual nationalist recrimination, with each side accusing the other of subservience to a foreign power. This (not the over-weighted fact that Ossis and Wessis never clashed on the battlefield) is the main reason Bonn and East Berlin were able to maintain a coldly civil working relationship, routinizing mail service, family reunions, transit, etc, even at the height of Cold War tension.”

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Brian Reynolds Myers

2010s, Confederation Again (July 2018)

“The North knows it cannot enjoy true security so long as the South is enjoying itself next door, be it ever so harmless in military terms and even free of US troops.”

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Brian Reynolds Myers

2010s, Confederation Again (July 2018)

“This urge to give the North Koreans the benefit of the doubt is in marked contrast to the public fury that erupted after the killings of two South Korean schoolgirls by an American military vehicle in 2002; it was widely claimed that the Yankees murdered them callously.”

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Brian Reynolds Myers

2010s, South Korea's Collective Shrug (May 2010)

“Korean nationalism is its emphasis on the vulnerability of the race.”

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Brian Reynolds Myers

2010s, North Korea's Race Problem (February 2010)

“The average Korean alive in 1945 was to a far greater degree the product of Japanese rule than the Choson Dynasty.”

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Brian Reynolds Myers

Origine: 2010s, North Korea's Juche Myth (October 2015), p. 24

“[S]ent this piece the other day to a few friends, I have decided to make it public in response to questions that journalists have been emailing me. Not that they will pay attention. Getting asked how Kim Jong Un is now going to sell denuclearization to the North Korean public — and asked in the tone of someone who expects it to happen — reminds me how futile it is to talk to a guild with no interest in ideological matters.”

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Brian Reynolds Myers

2010s, Portrait of the Ally as an Intermediary (March 2018)

“[T]he establishment of a belligerent force’s intentions is always an urgently important matter in itself, regardless of how likely its ultimate victory may be, as America should have learned on December 7, 1941. As for the boundaries of our imagination being the boundaries of the possible, here’s another date: 9/11.”

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Brian Reynolds Myers

2010s, On Some Counter-Arguments (October 2017)

“Pyongyang watchers consider the regime to be so hungry for economic growth, progress and other goodies as to have no pride, no mission, and no commitment to victory, real victory. It's all eros and no thymos. On this error rests our administration's hope for denuclearization.”

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Brian Reynolds Myers

2010s, Confederation Again (July 2018)

“North Korea kept harassing the South, and one day they just clicked: Tell me that isn't a stalker's dream writ geopolitical.”

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Brian Reynolds Myers

2010s, Confederation Again (July 2018)

“North Korea is looking more and more like a poor man's version of South Korea.”

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Brian Reynolds Myers

2010s, Interview with Colin Marshall (February 2015)

“The difference between East Germans and North Koreans is day and night.”

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Brian Reynolds Myers

2010s, Interview with the Reuters War College (April 2017)

“[R]ace theory is at variance with all Korean traditions; not for nothing did the national language lack a word for race until modern times.”

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Brian Reynolds Myers

2010s, North Korea's State Loyalty Advantage (December 2011)

“It all comes down to what neither the softliners nor the hardliners want to acknowledge: this is a successful right-wing state, not a failed communist one.”

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Brian Reynolds Myers

2010s, Interview with Joshua Stanton (August 2017)

“[T]he next few months will decide the fate of the peninsula.”

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Brian Reynolds Myers

2010s, Portrait of the Ally as an Intermediary (March 2018)

“[O]ne's political ideology is inextricable from one's view of history.”

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Brian Reynolds Myers

2010s, "Heaven is Helping Us": More from the Nationalist Left (August 2018)

“[I]f Kim Il Sung had won the war, Korea today would not look like North Korea. I think it would still be a much less free and prosperous place than the South is now, but it would resemble China and Vietnam more than the North now does. Its system has been shaped by the need to distinguish itself, to seal itself off from the rival state, and to pursue nuclear armament.”

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Brian Reynolds Myers

On why the North Korean regime is so oppressive
2010s, North Korea's Unification Drive (December 2017)

“North Korea's future depends on a large extent on South Korea's future.”

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Brian Reynolds Myers

2010s, Interview with Chad O'Carroll (2012)

“[A]t the risk of sounding like a broken record: this is a far-right, militarist state. Such states tend to experience uprisings only when they have failed by militarist or nationalist standards, as the Argentinian junta did in 1982.”

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Brian Reynolds Myers

2010s, Interview with Joshua Stanton (August 2017)

“The DPRK derives its legitimacy from the myth that the anti-Japanese hero Kim Il Sung was all right-thinking citizens' choice as the man to found and lead the new Korea after liberation in 1945… Until the mid-1960s the USSR was credited with defeating Japan, but since then propaganda has claimed that Kim and his guerillas freed the race on their own. That this is known to be untrue by those who lived through the time is of minor importance. The painful historical reality of mass collaboration (and the military insignificance of all armed Korean resistance to colonial rule) is precisely what made the Kim myth so attractive.”

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Brian Reynolds Myers

2010s, North Korea's State Loyalty Advantage (December 2011)

“The surrender of something attained heroically and at great cost — something to which the well-being of entire generations has been sacrificed — is far more dangerous to a government than not having it to begin with.”

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Brian Reynolds Myers

2010s, And Then What? (June 2018)

“[R]elative lack of popularity is not as important as the lack of popularity of a president in South Korea, where there is no bedrock state support to keep people patriotic even when they dislike a leader. But we Americans are more like the North Koreans in that regard. Does our patriotism rise and fall depending on who is in the White House? If we don’t like a president, do we start finding America’s enemies more likeable? No. We should therefore not assume that Kim Jong Un’s relative lack of stature means that support for the state is weakening.”

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Brian Reynolds Myers

2010s, Interview with Joshua Stanton (August 2017)