Frasi di Toni Negri

“Potere Operaio viene da una tradizione alla quale io ho partecipato, però viene dai Quaderni Rossi. Potere Operaio ha degli ascendenti che sono degli ascendenti interamente impiantati nella storia del movimento operaio italiano.”

“Mantenendosi all'opposizione si rischia di rimanere incischiati. Occorre passare dalla resistenza all'alternativa e individuare se e come i movimenti possano conquistare autonomia e liberarsi dalle relazione di potere della modernità.”

“Devo dire che rispetto all'infamia resto del mio parere; e il fatto che un mafioso possa esprimersi come me, significa semplicemente che anche dietro un mafioso c'è probabilmente un uomo.”

“Ma vede… il problema è, appunto, che non è vero che l'organizzazione… ma chi? La segreteria soggettiva, la redazione di Rosso? La segreteria soggettiva non esiste, la redazione di Rosso era fatta da dei giornalisti. Poi c'erano i gruppi che venivano da tutti i quartieri milanesi, che si ritrovavano in piazza e si comportavano qualche volta, attraverso un coordinamento, tra loro, ma non attraverso il comando di un’organizzazione centrale. Era questa la forza del movimento. Ma come può pretendere che un professore universitario nella sua facoltà, che oltretutto era anche molto poco in Italia perché insegnavo a Parigi eccetera, così, potesse inventarsi una macchina di questo genere: migliaia e migliaia, centinaia di migliaia di persone in piazza? Ma come poteva, come si può immaginare una cosa di questo genere, e in più di distribuire bottiglie molotov e armi?”

“Ero a Parigi e Craxi, allora presidente del Consiglio, mi fece sapere che i servizi stavano architettando qualcosa su di me, consigliandomi di essere cauto. Per questo ancora gli sono grato.”

“L'altermodernità ci indroduce alla distinzione tra socialismo e comunismo. Mentre il socialismo oscilla ambiguamente tra modernità e antimodernità, il comunismo deve rompere risolutamente con entrambe istituendo una relazione diretta con il comune come premessa per disegnare la traiettoria dell'antimodernità.”

“Mi spiace per Berlusconi. Le persone che si dichiarano perseguitate mi sono simpatiche.”

“Pur essendo Berlusconi un mio avversario politico, io sono solidale con lui e con chiunque venga condannato ad anni di carcere da una magistratura come quella italiana che si è di volta in volta alleata con la destra e con la sinistra. Le operazioni giudiziarie, condotte contro di me e contro l'Autonomia negli anni Settanta con la complicità della sinistra, sono state una premessa alle successive cospirazioni giudiziarie contro i socialisti ieri e contro i berlusconiani oggi.”

“Qui il problema grosso è decidere che cosa è l'organizzazione. Evidentemente, nel mese di maggio del 1977, ci furono delle norme di risposta senz'altro molto violente. Mai l'organizzazione, della quale io feci parte, promosse dei momenti militari di piazza in termini espliciti.”

“Il problema non era quello della lotta armata, a Rosolina. Non fu il problema della lotta armata ma fu il problema di quello che era l'organizzazione dell'Autonomia, di un contropotere di massa. È molto difficile spiegare questa grossa differenza perché tutto quello che è avvenuto dopo ha appiattito completamente le posizioni dell'Autonomia sulle posizioni delle Brigate Rosse, dei gruppi terroristici in quanto tali. In realtà, fin da allora, si trattava, invece, di una posizione estremamente separata, divisa… di una posizione che l'Autonomia sviluppava contro la lotta armata così come veniva definendosi da parte delle Brigate Rosse.”

“No, io sono estremamente impietoso con me stesso. Posso difendere ciascun momento della mia attività, ma quando devo guardare alla mia vita, dico: "No, non funzionava", o "Comunque bisogna andare avanti". Io posso difendere ciascuna delle mie decisioni, ma sarei assolutamente pazzo se dicessi… ma quando mai la vita di una persona è sufficiente a portare avanti quello che pensa, i desideri che si hanno e soprattutto a evitare gli errori che si fanno?”

“[Sulle dichiarazioni favorevoli alla violenza rivoluzionaria] Tutta la stampa del periodo dell'estrema sinistra, da il manifesto a Lotta Continua, dai giornali di Avanguardia operaia a quelli del Movimento Studentesco, che in quegli anni si esprimevano in questi termini… questo non significa assolutamente che la rivendicazione di un certo fondamentale leninismo del movimento fosse di per sé produttrice di effetti militari e di effetti, al limite, omicidi, come abbiamo riconosciuto, come abbiamo visto poi. Non riesco a capire come si possa innestare il terrorismo successivo a questo tipo di dichiarazioni.”

“Potere Operaio viene da una tradizione alla quale io ho partecipato, però viene dai Quaderni Rossi.”

“A specter haunts the world and it is the specter of migration.”

“The multitude is the real productive force of our social world, whereas Empire is a mere apparatus of capture that lives only off the vitality of the multitude — as Marx would say, a vampire regime of accumulated dead labor that survives only by sucking off the blood of the living.”

“Immaterial labor has become hegemonic in qualitative terms and has imposed a tendency on other forms of labor and society itself. Immaterial labor, in other words, is today in the same position that industrial labor was 150 years ago, when it accounted for only a small fraction of global production and was concentrated in a small part of the world but nonetheless exerted hegemony over all other forms of production. Just as in that pgase all forms of labor and society itself had to industrialize, today, labor and society have to informationalize, become intelligent, become communicative, become affective.”

“The contradictory conceptual couple, identity and difference, is not the adequate framework for understanding the organization of the multitude. Instead we are a multiplicity of singular forms of life and at the same time share a common global existence. The anthropology of the multitude is an anthropology of singularity and commonality.”

“[The] fact of being within capital and sustaining capital is what defines the proletariat as a class.”

“Material production - the production, for example, or cars, televisions, clothing, and food - creates the means of social life. … Immaterial production, by contrast, including the production of ideas, knowledges, communication, cooperation, and affective relations, tends to create not the means of social life but social life itself.”

“Contemporary capitalist production is characterized by a series of passages that name different faces of the same shift: from the hegemony of industrial labor to that of immaterial labor, from Fordism to post-Fordism, and from the modern to the postmodern.”

“affective labor is biopolitical production in that it directly produces social relationships and forms of life. … When affective production becomes part of waged labor it can be experienced as extremely alienating: I am selling my ability to make human relationships, something extremely intimate, at the command of the client and the boss.”

“Reality and history, however, are not dialectical, and no idealist rhetorical gymnastics can make them conform to the dialect.”

“In the same way that the figure of the peasant tends to disappear, so too does the figure of the industrial worker, the service industry worker and all other separate categories.”

“We have to construct the figure of a new David, the multitude as champion of asymmetrical combat, immaterial workers who became a new kind of combatants, cosmopolitan bricoleurs of resistance and cooperation.”

“the hegemony of immaterial labor does, though, tend to change the conditions of work. Consider, for example, the transformation of the working day in the immaterial paradigm, that is the increasingly indefinite division between work time and leisure time. In the industrial paradigm workers produced almost exlusively during the hours in the factory. When production is aimed at solving a problem, however, or creating and idea or a relationship, work time tends to expand to entire time of life. And idea or image comes to you not only in the office but also in the shower or in your dreams.”

“Even when labor is subjugated by capital it always necessarily maintains its own autonomy, and this ever more clearly true today with respect to the new immaterial, cooperative and collaborative forms of labor. This relationship is not isolated to the economic terrain but, as we will argue later, spills over into the biopolitical terrain of society as a hole, including military conflicts. In any case, we should recognize here that even in asymmetrical conflicts victory in terms of complete domination is not possible. All that can be achieved is a provisional and limited maintenance of control and order that must constantly be policed and preserved. Counterinsurgency is a full-time job.”

“[Michel Foucault] argues, prison resembles the factory, which resembles the school, which resembles the barracks, which resembles the hospital and so forth. They all share a common form that Foucault links to the disciplinary paradigm. Today, by contrast, we see network everywhere we look.”

“We share bodies with two eyes, ten fingers, ten toes; we share life on this earth; we share capitalist regimes of production and exploitation; we share common dreams of a better future.”

“In the contemporary economy, however, and with the labor relations of post-Fordism, mobility increasingly defines the labor market as a whole, and all categories are tending toward the condition of mobility and cultural mixture common to the migrant. **133”

“All wars today tend to be netwars.”

“the question to ask, in other, is not "What is the multitude?" but rather "What can the multitude become?" … common condition, of course, does not mean sameness or unity, but it does require that no differences of nature or kind divide the multitude.”

“The contemporary scene of labor and production, we will explain, is being transformed under the hegemony of immaterial labor, that is, labor that produces immaterial products, suchs as information, knoledges, ideas, images, relationships, and affects. This does not mean that there is no more industrial working class whose calloused hands toil with machines or that there ae no more agricultural workers who till the soil. It does not even mean that the numbers of such workers have decreased globally. In fact, workers involved primarily in immaterial production are a small minority of the gloval whole. What it means, rather, is that the qualities and characteristics of immaterial production are tending to transform the other forms of labor and indeed society as a whole. Some of these new characteristics are decidedly unwelcome. When our ideas and affects, or emotions, are put to work, for insance, and when they thus become subject in a way to the command of the boss, we often experience new and intense forms of violation or alienation. Furthermore, the contractual and material conditions of immaterial labor that tend to spread to the entire labor market are making the position of labor in general more precarious. The is one tendency, for example, in various forms of immaterial labor to blur the distinction between work time and nonwork time, extending the working day indefinietly to fill all of life, and another tendency for immaterial labor to function without stable long-term contracts, and thus to adopt the precarious position of becoming flexible (to accomplish several tasks) and mobile (to move continually among locations). […] The production of ideas, knowledges, and affects, for example, does not merely create means by which society is formed and maintained; such immaterial labor also directly produces social relationships. […] immaterial labor tends to take the social form of network based on communication.”

“Multitude is a class concept. … Class is determined by class struggle. There are, of course, in infinite number of ways that humans can be grouped into classes - hair color, blood type, and so forth - but the classes that matter are those defined by the lines of collective struggle. Race is just as much a political concept as economic class is in this regard. … Class is a political concept, in short, in that a class is and can only be a collectivity that stuggles in common.”

“Perhaps some day soon we will have arrived at the point when we can look back with irony at the barbaric old times when in order to be free we had to keep our own brothers and sisters slaves or to be equal we were constrained to inhuman sacrifices of freedom.”

“The political program of nation building in countries like Afghanistan and Iraq is one central example of the productive project of biopower and war. Nothing could be more postmodernist and antiessentialist than this notion of nation building.”

“in general, the hegemony of immaterial labor tends to transform the organization of production from the linear relationships of assembly line to the innumerable and indeterminate relationships of distributed networks.”

“The task of a theory of class is to identify the existing conditions for potential collective struggle and express them as a political proposition.”

“postmodern warfare thus has many of the characteristics of what economists call post-Fordist production: it is based on both mobility and flexibility; it intergrates intelligence, information, and immaterial labor; it raises power up by extending militarization to the limits of outer space, across the surfaces of the earth, and to the depths of the oceans.”

“A second part of criticisms [of our concept, Multitude], which relate closely to the first, focus on the economic conception of the multitude. … "You are really against the workers!" … Industrial labor has been displaced from its hegemonic position over other forms of labor by immaterial labor, which now tends to transform all sectors of production and society itself in line with its qualities. Industrial workers remain important, then, but within the context of this new paradigm. Here arises, then, but within the second criticism of this pair, that our argument of hegemony of immaterial labor replaces the old vanguard of industrial workers with a new vanguard of immaterial workers - Microsoft programmers leading us on the shining path. "You are just postmodern Leninist in sheep's clothing!" they cry. No, the hegemonic position of a form of production in the economy should not imply any political hegemony. Our argument about the hegemony of immaterial labor and the becoming common of all forms of labor is aimed instead at establishing that contemporary conditions tending to form a general communication and collaboration of labor that can be the basis of the multitude.”

“Beginning in the 1970s, however, the techniques and organizational form of industrial production shifted toward smaller and more mobile labor units and more flexible structures of production, a shift often labeled as a move from Fordist to post-Fordist production.”

“The refusal of work and authority, or really the refusal of voluntary servitude, is the beginning of liberatory politics.”

“recent researchers in artificial intelligence and computational methods use the term swarm intelligence to name collective and distributed techniques of problem solving without centralized control or provision of a global model. … the intelligence of the swarm is based fundamentally on communication. … the member of the multitude do not have to become the same or renounce their creativity in order to communicate and cooperate with each other. They remain different in terms of race, sex, sexuality and so forth. We need to understand, then, is the collective intelligence that can emerge from the communication and cooperation of such varied multiplicity.”