Frasi di Rosa Luxemburg (61 frasi, pagina 2)

Rosa Luxemburg: 61 frasi 13 Mi piace

Rosa Luxemburg frasi celebri

“Qualche volta ho la sensazione di non essere un vero e proprio essere umano, ma appunto qualche uccello o un altro animale in forma di uomo; nel mio intimo mi sento molto più a casa mia in un pezzetto di giardino come qui, oppure in un campo tra i calabroni e l'erba, che non… a un congresso di partito. A lei posso dire tutto ciò: non fiuterà subito il tradimento del socialismo. Lei lo sa, nonostante tutto io spero di morire sulla breccia: in una battaglia di strada o in carcere. Ma nella parte più intima, appartengo più alle mie cinciallegre che ai "compagni". E non perché nella natura io trovi, come tanti politici intimamente falliti, un rifugio, un riposo. Al contrario, anche nella natura trovo ad ogni passo tanta crudeltà, che ne soffro molto.”

Rosa Luxemburg

“Non dobbiamo dimenticare che non si fa la storia senza grandezza di spirito, senza una morale elevata, e senza gesti nobili.”

Rosa Luxemburg

“Solo estirpando alla radice la consuetudine all'obbedienza e al servilismo, la classe lavoratrice acquisterà la comprensione di una nuova forma di disciplina, l'autodisciplina, originata dal libero consenso.”

Rosa Luxemburg

Origine: 1918; citato in Noam Chomsky, I nuovi mandarini. Gli intellettuali e il potere in America, prefazione di Howard Zinn, traduzioni di Luca Baranelli, Francesco Ciafaloni, Giovanni Dettori, Maria Vittoria Malvano, Santina Mobiglia, Giovanna Stefancich, Adria Tissoni, Net, Milano, 2003, Obiettività e cultura liberale, p. 87.

“Il vostro ordine è costruito sulla sabbia. Già domani la rivoluzione si ergerà nuovamente ed annuncerà con un suono di squilla: Ero, sono sarò.”

Rosa Luxemburg

“Lo sciopero di massa non è altro che una forma di lotta rivoluzionaria, in un dato momento.”

Rosa Luxemburg

Origine: Citato in AA.VV., Il libro della politica, traduzione di Sonia Sferzi, Gribaudo, 2018, p. 235. ISBN 9788858019429

Rosa Luxemburg: Frasi in inglese

“What is our task in the question of peace? It does not consist merely in vigorously demonstrating at all times the love of peace of the Social Democrats; but first and foremost our task is to make clear to the masses of people the nature of militarism and sharply and clearly to bring out the differences in principle between the standpoint of the Social Democrats and that of the bourgeois peace enthusiasts.”

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Rosa Luxemburg

Peace Utopias (1911)

“Every legal constitution is the product of a revolution. In the history of classes, revolution is the act of political creation, while legislation is the political expression of the life of a society that has already come into being. Work for reform does not contain its own force independent from revolution. During every historic period, work for reforms is carried on only in the direction given to it by the impetus of the last revolution and continues as long as the impulsion from the last revolution continues to make itself felt. Or, to put it more concretely, in each historic period work for reforms is carried on only in the framework of the social form created by the last revolution. Here is the kernel of the problem.”

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Rosa Luxemburg

Origine: Reform or Revolution (1899), Ch. 8

“If democracy has become superfluous or annoying to the bourgeoisie, it is on the contrary necessary and indispensable to the working class. It is necessary to the working class because it creates the political forms (autonomous administration, electoral rights, etc.) which will serve the proletariat as fulcrums in its task of transforming bourgeois society. Democracy is indispensable to the working class because only through the exercise of its democratic rights, in the struggle for democracy, can the proletariat become aware of its class interests and its historic task.”

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Rosa Luxemburg

Origine: Reform or Revolution (1899), Ch.8

“In the army, capitalist development leads to the extension of obligatory military service to the reduction of the time of service and consequently to a material approach to a popular militia. But all of this takes place under the form of modern militarism in which the domination of the people by the militarist State and the class character of the State manifest themselves most clearly.”

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Rosa Luxemburg

Origine: Reform or Revolution (1899), Ch.8

“The friends of peace in bourgeois circles believe that world peace and disarmament can be realised within the frame-work of the present social order, whereas we, who base ourselves on the materialistic conception of history and on scientific socialism, are convinced that militarism can only be abolished from the world with the destruction of the capitalist class state.”

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Rosa Luxemburg

Die Friedensfreunde aus bürgerlichen Kreisen glauben, das sich Weltfriede und Abrüstung im Rahmen der heutigen Gesellschaftsordnung verwirklichen lassen, wir aber, die wir auf dem Boden der materialistischen Geschichtsauffassung und des wissenschaftlichen Sozialismus stehen, sind der Überzeugung, das der Militarismus erst mit dem kapitalistischen Klassenstaate zusammen aus der Welt geschafft werden kann.
Peace Utopias (1911)

“I suppose I must be out of sorts to feel everything so deeply. Sometimes, however, it seems to me that i am not really a human being at all, but like a bird or a beast in human form. I feel so much more at home even in a scrap of garden like the one here, an dstill more in the meadows when the grass is humming with bees than - at one of the our party congresses.”

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Rosa Luxemburg

Prison Letter, (May 12, 1917), Rosa Luxemburg Speaks

“Legislative reform and revolution are not different methods of historic development that can be picked out at the pleasure from the counter of history, just as one chooses hot or cold sausages. Legislative reform and revolution are different factors in the development of class society. They condition and complement each other, and are at the same time reciprocally exclusive, as are the north and south poles, the bourgeoisie and proletariat.”

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Rosa Luxemburg

Origine: Reform or Revolution (1899), Ch. 8

“The production relations of capitalist society approach more and more the production relations of socialist society. But on the other hand, its political and juridical relations established between capitalist society and socialist society a steadily rising wall. This wall is not overthrown, but is on the contrary strengthened and consolidated by the development of social reforms and the course of democracy. Only the hammer blow of revolution, that is to day, the conquest of political power by the proletariat can break down this wall.”

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Rosa Luxemburg

Origine: Reform or Revolution (1899), Ch. 7

“Every right of suffrage, like any political right in general, is not to be measured by some sort of abstract scheme of “justice,” or in terms of any other bourgeois-democratic phrases, but by the social and economic relationships for which it is designed. The right of suffrage worked out by the Soviet government is calculated for the transition period from the bourgeois-capitalist to the socialist form of society, that is, it is calculated for the period of the proletarian dictatorship. But, according to the interpretation of this dictatorship which Lenin and Trotsky represent, the right to vote is granted only to those who live by their own labor and is denied to everyone else.”

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Rosa Luxemburg

Origine: The Russian Revolution (1918), Chapter Five, "The Question of Suffrage"

“Plausible as the idea of the United States of Europe as a peace arrangement may seem to some at first glance, it has on closer examination not the least thing in common with the method of thought and the standpoint of social democracy... At the present stage of development of the world market and of world economy, the conception of Europe as an isolated economic unit is a sterile concoction of the brain. Europe no more forms a special unit within world economy than does Asia or America.”

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Rosa Luxemburg

Peace Utopias (1911)

“It makes no sense to regard the right of suffrage as a utopian product of fantasy, cut loose from social reality. And it is for this reason that it is not a serious instrument of the proletarian dictatorship. It is an anachronism, an anticipation of the juridical situation which is proper on the basis of an already completed socialist economy, but is not in the transition period of the proletarian dictatorship.”

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Rosa Luxemburg

Origine: The Russian Revolution (1918), Chapter Five, "The Question of Suffrage"

“The socialist system of society should only be, and can only be, an historical product, born out of the school of its own experiences, born in the course of its realization, as a result of the developments of living history, which – just like organic nature of which, in the last analysis, it forms a part – has the fine habit of always producing along with any real social need the means to its satisfaction, along with the task simultaneously the solution. However, if such is the case, then it is clear that socialism by its very nature cannot be decreed or introduced by ukase. It has as its prerequisite a number of measures of force – against property, etc. The negative, the tearing down, can be decreed; the building up, the positive, cannot. New Territory. A thousand problems. Only experience is capable of correcting and opening new ways.”

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Rosa Luxemburg

Origine: The Russian Revolution (1918), Chapter Six, "The Problem of Dictatorship"

“The Leninist agrarian reform has created a new and powerful layer of popular enemies of socialism on the countryside, enemies whose resistance will be much more dangerous and stubborn than that of the noble large landowners.”

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Rosa Luxemburg

Origine: The Russian Revolution (1918), Chapter Two

“Violated, dishonored, wading in blood, dripping filth – there stands bourgeois society. This is it [in reality]. Not all spic and span and moral, with pretense to culture, philosophy, ethics, order, peace, and the rule of law – but the ravening beast, the witches’ sabbath of anarchy, a plague to culture and humanity. Thus it reveals itself in its true, its naked form.”

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Rosa Luxemburg

Origine: The Junius Pamphlet (1915), Ch. 1

“Without the collapse of capitalism the expropriation of the capitalist class is impossible.”

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Rosa Luxemburg

Origine: Reform or Revolution (1899), Ch. 9

“Freedom is always the freedom of the dissenter ”

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Rosa Luxemburg

“Freedom only for the supporters of the government, only for the members of one party – however numerous they may be – is no freedom at all. Freedom is always and exclusively freedom for the one who thinks differently. Not because of any fanatical concept of “justice” but because all that is instructive, wholesome and purifying in political freedom depends on this essential characteristic, and its effectiveness vanishes when “freedom” becomes a special privilege.”

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Rosa Luxemburg

Origine: The Russian Revolution (1918), Chapter Six, "The Problem of Dictatorship"

“Historically, the errors committed by a truly revolutionary movement are infinitely more fruitful than the infallibility of the cleverest Central Committee.”

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Rosa Luxemburg

Leninism or Marxism? (1904)

“But here is the "ego" of the Russian revolutionary again! Pirouetting on its head, it once more proclaims itself to be the all-powerful director of history — this time with the title of His Excellency the Central Committee of the Social Democratic Party of Russia.”

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Rosa Luxemburg

Leninism or Marxism? (1904)

“If we assume the viewpoint claimed as his own by Lenin and we fear the influence of intellectuals in the proletarian movement, we can conceive of no greater danger to the Russian party than Lenin's plan of organization. Nothing will more surely enslave a young labor movement to an intellectual elite hungry for power than this bureaucratic straightjacket, which will immobilize the movement and turn it into an automaton manipulated by a Central Committee. On the other hand there is no more effective guarantee against opportunist intrigue and personal ambition than the independent revolutionary action of the proletariat, as a result of which the workers acquire the sense of political responsibility and self-reliance.”

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Rosa Luxemburg

Leninism or Marxism? (1904)

“In the present situation, such an experiment would be doubly dangerous to the Russian Social Democracy. It stands on the eve of decisive battles against tsarism. It is about to enter, or has already entered, on a period of intensified creative activity, during which it will broaden (as is usual in a revolutionary period) its sphere of influence and will advance spontaneously by leaps and bounds. To attempt to bind the initiative of the party at this moment, to surround it with a network of barbed wire, is to render it incapable of accomplishing the tremendous task of the hour.”

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Rosa Luxemburg

Leninism or Marxism? (1904)

“Granting, as Lenin wants, such absolute powers of a negative character to the top organ of the party, we strengthen, to a dangerous extent, the conservatism inherent in such an organ.”

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Rosa Luxemburg

Leninism or Marxism? (1904)

“But what has been the experience of the Russian socialist movement up to now? The most important and fruitful changes in its tactical policy during the last ten years have not been the inventions of several leaders and even less so of any central organizational organs. They have always been the spontaneous product of the movement in ferment.”

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Rosa Luxemburg

Leninism or Marxism? (1904)

“Social Democratic centralism cannot be based on the mechanical subordination and blind obedience of the party membership to the leading party center. [...] The Social Democratic movement cannot allow the erection of an air-tight partition between the class-conscious nucleus of the proletariat already in the party and its immediate popular environment, the nonparty sections of the proletariat.”

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Rosa Luxemburg

Leninism or Marxism? (1904)

“For Lenin, the difference between the Social Democracy and Blanquism is reduced to the observation that in place of a handful of conspirators we have a class-conscious proletariat. He forgets that this difference implies a complete revision of our ideas on organization and, therefore, an entirely different conception of centralism and the relations existing between the party and the struggle itself.”

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Rosa Luxemburg

Leninism or Marxism? (1904)

“Freedom only for the members of the government, only for the members of the Party — though they are quite numerous — is no freedom at all. Freedom is always the freedom of dissenters. The essence of political freedom depends not on the fanatics of 'justice', but rather on all the invigorating, beneficial, and detergent effects of dissenters. If 'freedom' becomes 'privilege', the workings of political freedom are broken.”

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Rosa Luxemburg

Die russische Revolution. Eine kritische Würdigung (1920) p. 109
This contains probably her most famous statement: Freiheit ist immer die Freiheit der Andersdenkenden, translated as "Freedom is always the freedom of dissenters."
Literally: Freedom is always the freedom of those who think differently.