Frasi di Isaiah Berlin

Sir Isaiah Berlin è stato un filosofo, politologo e diplomatico britannico, teorico di un liberalismo inteso soprattutto come limitazione dell'ingerenza statale nella vita sociale, economica e culturale dei singoli e delle comunità.

È considerato uno dei maggiori pensatori liberali del XX secolo. Nato a Riga, Lettonia , dopo gli studi classici e filosofici, fu la prima persona di ascendenza ebraica ad essere nominato membro nell'elitario All Souls College di Oxford. Durante la Seconda Guerra Mondiale, lavorò per il British Diplomatic Service a New York, Washington e Mosca. Fu presidente della Società Aristotelica dal 1963 al 1964. Dal 1957 al 1967 fu Chichele Professor of Social and Political Thought all'All Souls College di Oxford. Nel 1966 contribuì alla fondazione del Wolfson College di Oxford e divenne il suo primo presidente. Nel 1957 fu Knight Bachelor e nel 1971 fu insignito con l'Order of Merit. Fu presidente della British Academy dal 1974 al 1978.

Nel 1979 ricevette il Jerusalem Prize per le sue opere riguardanti la libertà individuale nella società. Fu un eccellente saggista, conversatore e raconteur. Fu apprezzato traduttore in inglese delle opere di Ivan Turgenev. Dopo essere stato influenzato in un primo momento dalla filosofia analitica, con cui era venuto in contatto negli anni di studio ad Oxford, Berlin abbandonò la filosofia pura per dedicarsi a delle ricerche di storia delle idee che ne avrebbero fatto uno dei maggiori saggisti del Novecento. Il contributo di Berlin alla teoria liberale ha avuto influenza duratura, orientando il dibattito contemporaneo. La sua famosa lezione inaugurale del 1958, "Due concetti di libertà", in cui egli distingueva tra una forma di libertà positiva, come capacità di agire in conformità ai propri valori e scopi etici, e una negativa, intesa come assenza di interferenza e costrizioni, da allora in poi ha influenzato le ricerche in campo filosofico e politico sul tema e ha contribuito anche alla creazione di nuove categorie giuridiche.

I suoi saggi di storia della cultura, tra i quali si ricorda "The Hedgehog and the Fox", hanno illuminato, nel solco della tradizione liberale, aspetti cruciali della cultura illuministica e romantica, del marxismo, delle dottrine utopiche e del problema dei valori. Delle dottrine utopiche, in linea con Popper, Berlin ha messo in evidenza le pericolose conseguenze sia sul piano individuale, comportando la perdita del principio di responsabilità personale, che sul piano politico, arrivando a trascurare il valore della vita umana per la realizzazione dei presunti "fini" della storia. L'interesse per il concetto di libertà è stato sempre affiancato dall'interesse per la molteplicità di valori che guidano le azioni umane e ne causano la conflittualità: l'azione politica, per Berlin, dovrà essere orientata al pluralismo di valori, nel tentativo di ridurre la sofferenza umana nel contemperamento delle esigenze dei singoli. Wikipedia  

✵ 6. Giugno 1909 – 5. Novembre 1997   •   Altri nomi Sir Isaiah Berlin
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Isaiah Berlin frasi celebri

Frasi sulla libertà di Isaiah Berlin

Frasi sulla vita di Isaiah Berlin

Isaiah Berlin Frasi e Citazioni

“La tesi semplice, a cui mi attengo, è che dove i valori ultimi rimangono inconciliabili, in linea di principio non si possono trovare soluzioni univoche.”

Origine: Citato in Ralf Dahrendorf, Erasmiani, traduzione di M. Sampaolo, p. 47.

“Possiamo fare solo quello che possiamo; ma questo dobbiamo farlo, nonostante le difficoltà.”

Origine: Da Il legno storto dell'umanità, traduzione di G. Ferrara degli Uberti, Adelphi, 1996, p. 40.

Isaiah Berlin: Frasi in inglese

“Single-minded monists, ruthless fanatics, men possessed by an all-embracing coherent vision do not know the doubts and agonies of those who cannot wholly blind themselves to reality.”

Five Essays on Liberty (2002), Introduction (1969)
Contesto: Those, no doubt, are in some way fortunate who have brought themselves, or have been brought by others, to obey some ultimate principle before the bar of which all problems can be brought. Single-minded monists, ruthless fanatics, men possessed by an all-embracing coherent vision do not know the doubts and agonies of those who cannot wholly blind themselves to reality.

“This gives its value to freedom as Acton conceived of it — as an end in itself, and not as a temporary need, arising out of our confused notions and irrational and disordered lives, a predicament which a panacea could one day put right.”

Five Essays on Liberty (2002), Two Concepts of Liberty (1958)
Contesto: If, as I believe, the ends of men are many, and not all of them are in principle compatible with each other, then the possibility of conflict — and of tragedy — can never wholly be eliminated from human life, either personal or social. The necessity of choosing between absolute claims is then an inescapable characteristic of the human condition. This gives its value to freedom as Acton conceived of it — as an end in itself, and not as a temporary need, arising out of our confused notions and irrational and disordered lives, a predicament which a panacea could one day put right.

“Everyone knows what made Berkeley notorious. He said that there were no material objects.”

Berkeley’s External World (1947)
Contesto: Everyone knows what made Berkeley notorious. He said that there were no material objects. He said the external world was in some sense immaterial, that nothing existed save ideas — ideas and their authors. His contemporaries thought him very ingenious and a little mad.

“If our powers of prediction, and so our knowledge of the future, become much greater, then, even if they are never complete, this may radically alter our view of what constitutes a person, an act, a choice; and eo ipso our language and our picture of the world.”

Five Essays on Liberty (2002), From Hope and Fear Set Free (1964)
Contesto: Knowledge increases autonomy both in the sense of Kant, and in that of Spinoza and his followers. I should like to ask once more: is all liberty just that? The advance of knowledge stops men from wasting their resources upon delusive projects. It has stopped us from burning witches or flogging lunatics or predicting the future by listening to oracles or looking at the entrails of animals or the flight of birds. It may yet render many institutions and decisions of the present – legal, political, moral, social – obsolete, by showing them to be as cruel and stupid and incompatible with the pursuit of justice or reason or happiness or truth as we now think the burning of widows or eating the flesh of an enemy to acquire skills. If our powers of prediction, and so our knowledge of the future, become much greater, then, even if they are never complete, this may radically alter our view of what constitutes a person, an act, a choice; and eo ipso our language and our picture of the world. This may make our conduct more rational, perhaps more tolerant, charitable, civilised, it may improve it in many ways, but will it increase the area of free choice? For individuals or groups?

“If I am prevented by others from doing what I could otherwise do, I am to that degree unfree; and if this area is contracted by other men beyond a certain minimum, I can be described as being coerced, or, it may be, enslaved.”

Five Essays on Liberty (2002), Two Concepts of Liberty (1958)
Contesto: I am normally said to be free to the degree to which no man or body of men interferes with my activity. Political liberty in this sense is simply the area within which a man can act unobstructed by others. If I am prevented by others from doing what I could otherwise do, I am to that degree unfree; and if this area is contracted by other men beyond a certain minimum, I can be described as being coerced, or, it may be, enslaved. Coercion is not, however, a term that covers every form of inability. If I say that I am unable to jump more than ten feet in the air, or cannot read because I am blind, or cannot understand the darker pages of Hegel, it would be eccentric to say that I am to that degree enslaved or coerced. Coercion implies the deliberate interference of other human beings within the area in which I could otherwise act.

“Knowledge increases autonomy both in the sense of Kant, and in that of Spinoza and his followers.”

Five Essays on Liberty (2002), From Hope and Fear Set Free (1964)
Contesto: Knowledge increases autonomy both in the sense of Kant, and in that of Spinoza and his followers. I should like to ask once more: is all liberty just that? The advance of knowledge stops men from wasting their resources upon delusive projects. It has stopped us from burning witches or flogging lunatics or predicting the future by listening to oracles or looking at the entrails of animals or the flight of birds. It may yet render many institutions and decisions of the present – legal, political, moral, social – obsolete, by showing them to be as cruel and stupid and incompatible with the pursuit of justice or reason or happiness or truth as we now think the burning of widows or eating the flesh of an enemy to acquire skills. If our powers of prediction, and so our knowledge of the future, become much greater, then, even if they are never complete, this may radically alter our view of what constitutes a person, an act, a choice; and eo ipso our language and our picture of the world. This may make our conduct more rational, perhaps more tolerant, charitable, civilised, it may improve it in many ways, but will it increase the area of free choice? For individuals or groups?

“If, as I believe, the ends of men are many, and not all of them are in principle compatible with each other, then the possibility of conflict — and of tragedy — can never wholly be eliminated from human life, either personal or social.”

Five Essays on Liberty (2002), Two Concepts of Liberty (1958)
Contesto: If, as I believe, the ends of men are many, and not all of them are in principle compatible with each other, then the possibility of conflict — and of tragedy — can never wholly be eliminated from human life, either personal or social. The necessity of choosing between absolute claims is then an inescapable characteristic of the human condition. This gives its value to freedom as Acton conceived of it — as an end in itself, and not as a temporary need, arising out of our confused notions and irrational and disordered lives, a predicament which a panacea could one day put right.

“Few new truths have ever won their way against the resistance of established ideas save by being overstated.”

As quoted in Communications and History : Theories of Knowledge, Media and Civilization (1988) by Paul Heyer, p. 125

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