Frasi di Hannah Arendt
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40 riflessioni profonde sulla condizione umana

Esplora le profonde riflessioni di Hannah Arendt, celebre filosofa, sui pericoli del pensiero, sulla natura del male, sull'impatto del totalitarismo, sul potere del perdono e sulla complessità della colpa. Approfondite la condizione umana con la sua saggezza illuminante.

Hannah Arendt è stata una politologa, filosofa e storica tedesca naturalizzata statunitense nel 1937. Nata di origine ebraica, fuggì dalla Germania nazista nel 1933 a causa delle persecuzioni e rimase apolide fino al 1951 quando ottenne la cittadinanza statunitense. Durante la sua carriera, ha lavorato come giornalista, docente universitaria e ha scritto importanti opere di filosofia politica. Tuttavia, è importante notare che Arendt preferiva essere considerata una teorica politica piuttosto che una filosofa, rifiutando sempre di essere inserita in questa categoria specifica.

✵ 14. Ottobre 1906 – 4. Dicembre 1975   •   Altri nomi Hannah Arendtová
Hannah Arendt photo
Hannah Arendt: 125   frasi 67   Mi piace

Hannah Arendt frasi celebri

Frasi sul mondo di Hannah Arendt

Hannah Arendt Frasi e Citazioni

“Io non credo che possa esistere qualche processo di pensiero senza esperienze personali.”

Origine: Da La lingua materna, a cura di Alessandro Dal Lago, Mimesis, Milano, 1996.

Questa traduzione è in attesa di revisione. È corretto?

Hannah Arendt: Frasi in inglese

“The point, as Marx saw it, is that dreams never come true.”

Hannah Arendt libro On Violence

"On Violence".
Crises of the Republic (1969)

“For politics is not like the nursery; in politics obedience and support are the same.”

Origine: Eichmann in Jerusalem: A Report on the Banality of Evil

“Only crime and the criminal, it is true, confront us with the perplexity of radical evil; but only the hypocrite is really rotten to the core.”

Hannah Arendt libro On Revolution

On Revolution (1963), ch. 2.
General sources
Contesto: What makes it so plausible to assume that hypocrisy is the vice of vices is that integrity can indeed exist under the cover of all other vices except this one. Only crime and the criminal, it is true, confront us with the perplexity of radical evil; but only the hypocrite is really rotten to the core.

“Revolutionaries do not make revolutions! The revolutionaries are those who know when power is lying in the street and when they can pick it up. Armed uprising by itself has never yet led to revolution.”

" Thoughts on Politics and Revolution: A Commentary http://books.google.com/books?id=iMIPAQAAMAAJ&q="Revolutionaries+do+not+make+revolutions+The+revolutionaries+are+those+who+know+when+power+is+lying+in+the+street+and+when+they+can+pick+it+up+Armed"".
Crises of the Republic (1969)

“Eichmann, much less intelligent and without any education to speak of, at least dimly realized that it was not an order but a law which had turned them all into criminals. The distinction between an order and the Führer's word was that the latter's validity was not limited in time and space, which is the outstanding characteristic of the former. This is also the true reason why the Führer's order for the Final Solution was followed by a huge shower of regulations and directives, all drafted by expert lawyers and legal advisors, not by mere administrators; this order, in contrast to ordinary orders, was treated as a law. Needless to add, the resulting legal paraphernalia, far from being a mere symptom of German pedantry and thoroughness, served most effectively to give the whole business its outward appearance of legality.And just as the law in civilized countries assumes that the voice of conscience tells everybody, "Thou shalt not kill," even though man's natural desires and inclinations may at times be murderous, so the law of Hitler's land demanded that the voice of conscience tell everybody: "Thou shalt kill," although the organizers of the massacres knew full well that murder is against the normal desires and inclinations of most people. Evil in the Third Reich had lost the quality by which most people recognize it — the quality of temptation.”

Hannah Arendt libro Eichmann in Jerusalem

Origine: Eichmann in Jerusalem (1963), Ch. VIII.

“The emotions I feel are no more meant to be shown in their unadulterated state than the inner organs by which we live.”

Hannah Arendt libro The Life of the Mind

Origine: The Life of the Mind (1971/1978), pp. 31-32.

“Political questions are far too serious to be left to the politicians.”

Hannah Arendt libro Men in Dark Times

Men in Dark Times (1968).

“What stuck in the minds of these men who had become murderers was simply the notion of being involved in something historic, grandiose, unique ("a great task that occurs once in two thousand years"), which must therefore be difficult to bear. This was important, because the murderers were not sadists or killers by nature; on the contrary, a systematic effort was made to weed out all those who derived physical pleasure from what they did. The troops of the Einsatzgruppen had been drafted from the Armed S. S., a military unit with hardly more crimes in its record than any ordinary unit of the German Army, and their commanders had been chosen by Heydrich from the S. S. élite with academic degrees. Hence the problem was how to overcome not so much their conscience as the animal pity by which all normal men are affected in the presence of physical suffering. The trick used by Himmler — who apparently was rather strongly afflicted by these instinctive reactions himself — was very simple and probably very effective; it consisted in turning these instincts around, as it were, in directing them toward the self. So that instead of saying: What horrible things I did to people!, the murderers would be able to say: What horrible things I had to watch in the pursuance of my duties, how heavily the task weighed upon my shoulders!”

Hannah Arendt libro Eichmann in Jerusalem

Origine: Eichmann in Jerusalem (1963), Ch. VI.

“Mass propaganda discovered that its audience was ready at all times to believe the worst, no matter how absurd, and did not particularly object to being deceived because it held every statement to be a lie anyhow. The totalitarian mass leaders based their propaganda on the correct psychological assumption that, under such conditions, one could make people believe the most fantastic statements one day, and trust if the next day they were given irrefutable proof of their falsehood, they would take refuge in cynicism; instead of deserting the leaders who had lied to them, they would protest that they had known all along the statement was a lie and would admire the leaders for their superior tactical cleverness.”

Hannah Arendt libro Le origini del totalitarismo

Part 3, Ch. 2 The Totalitarian Movement, page 80 https://books.google.de/books?id=I0pVKCVM4TQC&pg=PT104&dq=A+mixture+of+gullibility+and+cynicism+had+been+an+outstanding+characteristic+of+mob+mentality+before+it+became+an+everyday+phenomenon+of+masses.&hl=de&sa=X&redir_esc=y#v=onepage&q=A%20mixture%20of%20gullibility%20and%20cynicism%20had%20been%20an%20outstanding%20characteristic%20of%20mob%20mentality%20before%20it%20became%20an%20everyday%20phenomenon%20of%20masses.&f=false
The Origins of Totalitarianism (1951)
Contesto: A mixture of gullibility and cynicism had been an outstanding characteristic of mob mentality before it became an everyday phenomenon of masses. In an ever-changing, incomprehensible, world the masses had reached the point where they would, at the same time, believe everything and nothing, think that everything is possible and that nothing was true. The mixture in itself was remarkable enough, because it spelled the end of the illusion that gullibility was a weakness of unsuspecting primitive souls and cynism the vice of superior and refined minds. Mass propaganda discovered that its audience was ready at all times to believe the worst, no matter how absurd, and did not particularly object to being deceived because it held every statement to be a lie anyhow. The totalitarian mass leaders based their propaganda on the correct psychological assumption that, under such conditions, one could make people believe the most fantastic statements one day, and trust if the next day they were given irrefutable proof of their falsehood, they would take refuge in cynicism; instead of deserting the leaders who had lied to them, they would protest that they had known all along the statement was a lie and would admire the leaders for their superior tactical cleverness.

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