Frasi di Abraham Lincoln
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Abraham Lincoln, spesso citato nei testi in italiano come Abramo Lincoln , è stato un politico e avvocato statunitense.

È stato il 16º Presidente degli Stati Uniti d'America e il primo ad appartenere al Partito Repubblicano.

È considerato sia dalla storiografia sia dall'opinione pubblica uno dei più importanti e popolari presidenti degli Stati Uniti. Fu il presidente che pose fine alla schiavitù, prima con il Proclama di emancipazione , che liberò gli schiavi negli Stati della Confederazione e poi con la ratifica del XIII emendamento della Costituzione degli Stati Uniti d'America, con il quale nel 1865 la schiavitù venne abolita in tutti gli Stati Uniti. A Lincoln è riconosciuto il merito di avere allo stesso tempo preservato l'unità federale della nazione, sconfiggendo gli Stati Confederati d'America nella Guerra di secessione. Lincoln venne assassinato, a guerra conclusa, da John Wilkes Booth, un sostenitore della Confederazione.

L'operato di Lincoln ha avuto una duratura influenza sulle istituzioni politiche e sociali degli Stati Uniti, dando inizio a un maggiore accentramento del potere del governo federale e ponendo un limite al raggio d'autonomia dei governi dei singoli Stati. L'autorevolezza di Lincoln era rafforzata dalla sua abilità di oratore e il Discorso di Gettysburg, il più significativo e famoso da lui pronunciato, è considerato una delle pietre miliari dell'unità e dei valori della nazione americana.

✵ 12. Febbraio 1809 – 15. Aprile 1865   •   Altri nomi Abramo Lincoln
Abraham Lincoln photo
Abraham Lincoln: 654   frasi 122   Mi piace

Abraham Lincoln frasi celebri

“Quando mi comporto bene, mi sento bene; quando mi comporto male, mi sento male, e questa è la mia religione.”

Variante: Quando faccio bene mi sento bene. Quando faccio male mi sento male. Questa è la mia religione.

“La miglior cosa del futuro è che arriva un giorno alla volta.”

Origine: Citato in Focus, n. 113, p. 129

Questa traduzione è in attesa di revisione. È corretto?
Questa traduzione è in attesa di revisione. È corretto?

Frasi sulla vita di Abraham Lincoln

Abraham Lincoln Frasi e Citazioni

“È meglio rimanere in silenzio ed essere considerati imbecilli piuttosto che aprire bocca e togliere ogni dubbio.”

Better to remain silent and be thought a fool than to speak and remove all doubt.
[Citazione errata] La prima attribuzione ad Abraham Lincoln si trova nel Golden Book magazine del novembre 1931. La citazione è stata attribuita anche a Mark Twain e in misura minore a Confucio, John Maynard Keynes e Arthur Burns. Inoltre diversi proverbi esprimono un concetto simile, tra questi ne va ricordato uno incluso nel Libro dei Proverbi della Bibbia: «Anche lo stolto, se tace, passa per saggio | e, se tien chiuse le labbra, per intelligente.». In realtà la citazione sembrerebbe appartenere a Maurice Switzer, infatti una prima traccia di questa frase si ritrova proprio nel suo libro, Mrs. Goose, Her Book del 1907. La frase viene citata anche da Lisa nel decimo episodio della quarta stagione de I Simpson.
Attribuite
Variante: Meglio tacere e dare l'impressione di essere stupidi, piuttosto che parlare e togliere ogni dubbio!
Origine: Cfr. Better to Remain Silent and Be Thought a Fool than to Speak and Remove All Doubt http://quoteinvestigator.com/2010/05/17/remain-silent/, QuoteInvestigator.com, 17 maggio 2010.

“Nessuno ha una memoria tanto buona da poter essere un perfetto bugiardo.”

Origine: Citato in Selezione dal Redear's Digest, dicembre 1962.

“[All'insegnante del figlio] Cerchi di dare a mio figlio la forza per non seguire la massa, anche se tutti saltano sul carro del vincitore.”

Origine: Citato in Aldo Grasso, Il vizio antico, fuga dal carro perdente, Corriere della Sera, 11 dicembre 2016, p. 1.

Questa traduzione è in attesa di revisione. È corretto?

“Io credo che il più grande dono che Dio ha fatto all'umanità sia la Bibbia.”

Origine: Da The Collected Works of Abraham Lincoln (Rutgers University Press, 1953), ed. Roy P. Basler, volume VII, p. 542.

“La religione di un uomo non vale molto se non ne traggono beneficio anche il suo cane e il suo gatto.”

Origine: Citato in AA.VV., Il libro degli aforismi, Gribaudo, Milano, 2011, p. 268 http://books.google.it/books?id=PJKwfd6ulGMC&pg=PA268. Citato anche in Giuliana Rotondi, Tutti i gatti del presidente, Focus Storia , n. 70, agosto 2012, p. 61: «La religione di un uomo non è gran cosa se non ne traggono beneficio anche il cane e il gatto».

“Non affermo di aver controllato gli eventi, anzi confesso in tutta sincerità di essere stato controllato dagli eventi.”

Origine: Dalla lettera del 4 aprile 1864 ad Albert G. Hodges, editore del Frankfort, Kentucky, Commonwealth (riportando la loro conversazione del 26 marzo 1864). Manuscript at The Library of Congress http://www.loc.gov/exhibits/treasures/trt027.html; anche in The Collected Works of Abraham Lincoln, ed. Roy P. Basler, volume VII, p. 281.

Questa traduzione è in attesa di revisione. È corretto?
Questa traduzione è in attesa di revisione. È corretto?
Questa traduzione è in attesa di revisione. È corretto?
Questa traduzione è in attesa di revisione. È corretto?
Questa traduzione è in attesa di revisione. È corretto?
Questa traduzione è in attesa di revisione. È corretto?
Questa traduzione è in attesa di revisione. È corretto?

Abraham Lincoln: Frasi in inglese

“The several points of the Dred Scott decision, in connection with Senator Douglas's "care-not" policy, constitute the piece of machinery, in its present state of advancement. This was the third point gained. The working points of that machinery are: (1) That no negro slave, imported as such from Africa, and no descendant of such slave, can ever be a citizen of any State, in the sense of that term as used in the Constitution of the United States. This point is made in order to deprive the negro in every possible event of the benefit of that provision of the United States Constitution which declares that "the citizens of each State shall be entitled to all the privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States." (2) That, "subject to the Constitution of the United States," neither Congress nor a territorial legislature can exclude slavery from any United States Territory. This point is made in order that individual men may fill up the Territories with slaves, without danger of losing them as property, and thus enhance the chances of permanency to the institution through all the future. (3) That whether the holding a negro in actual slavery in a free State makes him free as against the holder, the United States courts will not decide, but will leave to be decided by the courts of any slave State the negro may be forced into by the master. This point is made not to be pressed immediately, but, if acquiesced in for a while, and apparently indorsed by the people at an election, then to sustain the logical conclusion that what Dred Scott's master might lawfully do with Dred Scott in the free State of Illinois, every other master may lawfully do with any other one or one thousand slaves in Illinois or in any other free State.”

1850s, The House Divided speech (1858)

“"A house divided against itself cannot stand." I believe this government cannot endure, permanently half slave and half free. I do not expect the Union to be dissolved — I do not expect the house to fall — but I do expect it will cease to be divided. It will become all one thing or all the other.”

In this famous statement, Lincoln is quoting the response of Jesus Christ to those who accused him of being able to cast out devils because he was empowered by the Prince of devils, recorded in Matthew 12:25: "And Jesus knew their thoughts, and said unto them, Every kingdom divided against itself is brought to desolation; and every city or house divided against itself shall not stand".
1850s, The House Divided speech (1858)

“He can compress the most words into the smallest ideas of any man I ever met.”

Attributed in Lincoln the Lawyer (1906) by Frederick Trevor Hill — Hill noted that he could find no record of whom Lincoln was insulting.
Posthumous attributions

“How many legs does a dog have, if you call a tail a leg?”

His collected works contain no riddle about dog legs, but George W. Julian recounts Lincoln using a similar story about a calf in Reminiscences of Abraham Lincoln by distinguished men of his time (1909), p. 241: "There are strong reasons for saying that he doubted his right to emancipate under the war power, and he doubtless meant what he said when he compared an Executive order to that effect to 'the Pope’s Bull against the comet.' In discussing the question, he used to liken the case to that of the boy who, when asked how many legs his calf would have if he called its tail a leg, replied, 'Five,' to which the prompt response was made that calling the tail a leg would not make it a leg."
A very similar riddle about cow legs was also circulated by Edward Josiah Stearns' Notes on Uncle Tom's Cabin (1853), p. 46: '"Father," said one of the rising generation to his paternal progenitor, "if I should call this cow's tail a leg, how many legs would she have?" "Why five, to be sure." "Why, no, father; would calling it a leg make it one?"'
Misattributed

“Marriage is neither heaven nor hell, it is simply purgatory.”

Attributed in Henry Louis Mencken (1942), A New Dictionary of Quotations
Misattributed

“If the Republicans, who think slavery is wrong, get possession of the general government, we may not root out the evil at once, but may at least prevent its extension. If I find a venomous snake lying on the open praire, I seize the first stick and kill him at once. But if that snake is in bed with my children, I must be more cautious. I shall, in striking the snake, also strike the children, or arouse the reptile to bite the children. Slavery is the venomous snake in bed with the children. But if the question is whether to kill it on the prairie or put it in bed with other children, I think we'd kill it!”

1860s, Allow the humblest man an equal chance (1860)
Contesto: If I saw a venomous snake crawling in the road, any man would say I might seize the nearest stick and kill it; but if I found that snake in bed with my children, that would be another question. I might hurt the children more than the snake, and it might bite them. Much more if I found it in bed with my neighbor's children, and I had bound myself by a solemn compact not to meddle with his children under any circumstances, it would become me to let that particular mode of getting rid of the gentleman alone. But if there was a bed newly made up, to which the children were to be taken, and it was proposed to take a batch of young snakes and put them there with them, I take it no man would say there was any question how I ought to decide!
Contesto: If I saw a venomous snake crawling in the road, any man would say I might seize the nearest stick and kill it; but if I found that snake in bed with my children, that would be another question. I might hurt the children more than the snake, and it might bite them. Much more if I found it in bed with my neighbor's children, and I had bound myself by a solemn compact not to meddle with his children under any circumstances, it would become me to let that particular mode of getting rid of the gentleman alone. But if there was a bed newly made up, to which the children were to be taken, and it was proposed to take a batch of young snakes and put them there with them, I take it no man would say there was any question how I ought to decide! That is just the case! The new Territories are the newly made bed to which our children are to go, and it lies with the nation to say whether they shall have snakes mixed up with them or not. It does not seem as if there could be much hesitation what our policy should be!

“Has it not got down as thin as the homeopathic soup that was made by boiling the shadow of a pigeon that had starved to death?”

On popular sovereignty; rejoinder in the Sixth Lincoln-Douglas Debate (13 October 1858); reported in The Collected Works of Abraham Lincoln, ed. Roy P. Basler (1953), vol. 3, p. 279
1850s, Lincoln–Douglas debates (1858)

“My paramount object in this struggle is to save the Union, and is not either to save or to destroy slavery. If I could save the Union without freeing any slave I would do it, and if I could save it by freeing all the slaves I would do it; and if I could save it by freeing some and leaving others alone I would also do that.”

1860s, Letter to Horace Greeley (1862)
Contesto: My paramount object in this struggle is to save the Union, and is not either to save or to destroy slavery. If I could save the Union without freeing any slave I would do it, and if I could save it by freeing all the slaves I would do it; and if I could save it by freeing some and leaving others alone I would also do that. What I do about slavery, and the colored race, I do because I believe it helps to save the Union; and what I forbear, I forbear because I do not believe it would help to save the Union.

“The best way to get a bad law repealed is to enforce it.”

Attributed in A Dictionary of Thoughts (1908) by Tryon Edwards; this is earlier attributed to Theodore Roosevelt in Life of William McKinley (1901) by Samuel Fallows, and could be derived from the remarks of Ulysses S. Grant in his First Inaugural Address (4 March 1869): "I know no method to secure the repeal of bad or obnoxious laws so effective as their stringent execution".
Misattributed

“What is to be, will be, and no prayers of ours can arrest the decree.”

As quoted in The World's Sages, Thinkers and Reformers (1876) by D. M. Bennett
Posthumous attributions

“Money is the creature of law and creation of the original issue of money should be maintained as an exclusive monopoly of national government.… Democracy will rise superior to Money Power.”

These remarks in support of a government-regulated money supply were written by Gerry McGeer, who presented them as his interpretation of what Lincoln believed. [McGeer, Gerald Grattan, w:Gerald Grattan McGeer, The Conquest of Poverty, 5 - Lincoln, Practical Economist, http://heritech.com/pridger/lincoln/mcgeer/mcgeerv.htm, 2009-07-29, 1935, Garden City Press, Gardenvale, Quebec, 186ff]
Misattributed

“I believe the entire records of the world, from the date of the Declaration of Independence up to within three years ago, may be searched in vain for one single affirmation, from one single man, that the negro was not included in the Declaration of Independence; I think I may defy Judge Douglas to show that he ever said so, that Washington ever said so, that any President ever said so, that any member of Congress ever said so, or that any living man upon the whole earth ever said so, until the necessities of the present policy of the Democratic Party, in regard to slavery”

Fifth Lincoln-Douglas Debate http://www.bartleby.com/251/pages/page328.html (7 October 1858), regarding Stephen A. Douglas and the antebellum Democratic Party's claim that African Americans were exempt from Thomas Jefferson's assertion that all men were created equal.
1850s, Lincoln–Douglas debates (1858)
Contesto: The Judge has alluded to the Declaration of Independence, and insisted that negroes are not included in that Declaration; and that it is a slander upon the framers of that instrument, to suppose that negroes were meant therein; and he asks you: Is it possible to believe that Mister Jefferson, who penned the immortal paper, could have supposed himself applying the language of that instrument to the negro race, and yet held a portion of that race in slavery? Would he not at once have freed them? I only have to remark upon this part of the Judge's speech, and that, too, very briefly, for I shall not detain myself, or you, upon that point for any great length of time, that I believe the entire records of the world, from the date of the Declaration of Independence up to within three years ago, may be searched in vain for one single affirmation, from one single man, that the negro was not included in the Declaration of Independence; I think I may defy Judge Douglas to show that he ever said so, that Washington ever said so, that any President ever said so, that any member of Congress ever said so, or that any living man upon the whole earth ever said so, until the necessities of the present policy of the Democratic Party, in regard to slavery, had to invent that affirmation. And I will remind Judge Douglas and this audience that while Mister Jefferson was the owner of slaves, as undoubtedly he was, in speaking upon this very subject he used the strong language that “he trembled for his country when he remembered that God was just;” and I will offer the highest premium in my power to Judge Douglas if he will show that he, in all his life, ever uttered a sentiment at all akin to that of Jefferson.

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